Former Senator Pajín,* current Minister of Health and Social Services, formerly a junior minister for international development, is thirty-five years old. She was twenty-four when elected to Spain's lower house in 2000. As neither the her own ministry nor her own party (in which she is responsible for a key secretariat) furnishes much in the way of biographical data for the senator, it's difficult to know what she was up to before the 2000 election. In 1997 she was the head of the youth wing of the Valencian Socialist Party and by October of that year was a student representative in the senate (claustre, in Catalan) of the Universitat d'Alacant. Did she go on to teach at her home university? The questions comes up because of the statement, in a blurb appended to an article by Pajín in the United Nations Chronicle, that she was a "member of the faculty" in Economics and Sociology at the U of A. The blurb, like the article, is only available in English. It dates from a time when Senator Pajín was Secretary of State for International Cooperation. "A member of the faculty" means, in the strictest sense, someone who has taught at university, charged with responsibility for a course rather than merely, say, correcting exams. Was Senator Pajín ever Prof. Pajín? If so, why is this information only available in English, in a journal published in New York? If not, who said she had been, and why?
* Pajín gave up her seat in the Senate on 29 June 2011.
04 July 2011
19 June 2011
Newcomers, Parties, and Bad Faith
A recent post took up the representation of newcomers under Spain's electoral system, which circumscribes d'Hondt method proportional representation to Spanish provinces for general elections and those held in autonomous communities, thus dividing the polity--however imperfectly--into smaller units. The same system obtains in local elections, without the subdivision of the territory voting on its governance. I argued that this system will ensure the under-representation of immigrants are party slates are drawn up with an eye to go unnoticed, save the first two or three spots. Catalan demographics are such that a viable immigrant candidacy might--and this has not been tested--do a slate more electoral damage than good. As immigrant-dominated neighbourhoods have no voice per se, everything about them--income, language, religion, newness of population, education--is swallowed up by the municipality as a whole. It's low-resolution local politics: constituencies are ostensibly ideological, though in practice they are social networks bestowing favours to bind voters to their brands.
In this post, I'd like to argue that the PSC has acted in bad faith in soliciting the votes of newcomers. At issue is the following poster, which I noticed the other day at a call centre on Ronda de Sant Antoni:
Columbian-born Erika Torregrossa was thirtieth on a list of forty-one candidates. For her to have been elected, the PSC would have had to garner something approaching 75% of the vote, yet no party has ever won more than 45.2% of the vote and no party is ever likely to take 75% in a party system as fragmented as that obtaining here (or, indeed, in any democratic polity). The slogan is disingenuous. Ms Torregrossa was run in the equivalent--in a first past the post system--of an opposing party's safe seat. A vote for Mr Hereu was not a vote for a Latin American city councillor. Had Ms Torregrossa been given the fifth or tenth slot on the slate, it would have been: but Mr Hereu drew up the slate, and Mr Hereu consigned Ms Torregrossa to losing. By paying mere lip-service to pluralism and the political representation of newcomers, did Mr Hereu act cynically? Has he bettered or worsened the lot of immigrants as politically active citizens? Is he better or worse, in this respect, than the new mayor of Badalona, Mr. Xavier Garcia Albiol. Mr Hereu would say that he meant well: but did he act well?
My second objection is to the exclusive use of Spanish on the poster. A Catalan text may or may not have been understood by the constituency the PSC wanted to win over (such things depend on lexical choices). A bilingual poster would have better express the party's policy that Catalan should be the shared medium of civic life in Catalonia. Excluding it from the poster contradicts that policy.
My third objection arises from a coincidence: both El Mundo and El Economista refer to Ms Torregrossa as one three candidates who constitute "la representación de las personas inmigradas". The stories were syndicated by different press agencies; overlapping phrases (of which there are many) point to copy from a party press release. Yet the last of Mr. Hereu's candidates was another immigrant, the Sussex-born architect David Mackay. If the party's press release did refer to immigrants on the party's slate and disassociated one immigrant from the rest, double standards are in operation. The PSC is not alone in this respect. But more about the peculiar status of some immigrants in Catalan society in another post.
In this post, I'd like to argue that the PSC has acted in bad faith in soliciting the votes of newcomers. At issue is the following poster, which I noticed the other day at a call centre on Ronda de Sant Antoni:
Columbian-born Erika Torregrossa was thirtieth on a list of forty-one candidates. For her to have been elected, the PSC would have had to garner something approaching 75% of the vote, yet no party has ever won more than 45.2% of the vote and no party is ever likely to take 75% in a party system as fragmented as that obtaining here (or, indeed, in any democratic polity). The slogan is disingenuous. Ms Torregrossa was run in the equivalent--in a first past the post system--of an opposing party's safe seat. A vote for Mr Hereu was not a vote for a Latin American city councillor. Had Ms Torregrossa been given the fifth or tenth slot on the slate, it would have been: but Mr Hereu drew up the slate, and Mr Hereu consigned Ms Torregrossa to losing. By paying mere lip-service to pluralism and the political representation of newcomers, did Mr Hereu act cynically? Has he bettered or worsened the lot of immigrants as politically active citizens? Is he better or worse, in this respect, than the new mayor of Badalona, Mr. Xavier Garcia Albiol. Mr Hereu would say that he meant well: but did he act well?
My second objection is to the exclusive use of Spanish on the poster. A Catalan text may or may not have been understood by the constituency the PSC wanted to win over (such things depend on lexical choices). A bilingual poster would have better express the party's policy that Catalan should be the shared medium of civic life in Catalonia. Excluding it from the poster contradicts that policy.
My third objection arises from a coincidence: both El Mundo and El Economista refer to Ms Torregrossa as one three candidates who constitute "la representación de las personas inmigradas". The stories were syndicated by different press agencies; overlapping phrases (of which there are many) point to copy from a party press release. Yet the last of Mr. Hereu's candidates was another immigrant, the Sussex-born architect David Mackay. If the party's press release did refer to immigrants on the party's slate and disassociated one immigrant from the rest, double standards are in operation. The PSC is not alone in this respect. But more about the peculiar status of some immigrants in Catalan society in another post.
28 May 2011
Demographic and Democratic Change
Earlier this month forty-one candidates were elected to Barcelona City Council. All were born in Spain. Forty were born in Catalonia. Thirty-five were born in the city itself. That is, forty out of forty-one hail from the city or its hinterland: one is from further afield, a Spanish-speaking town just under three hundred kilometres away, though she moved to the city when she was six.
How well do these forty-one elected officials reflect the city as a human community? Are our representatives representative? How much do they have in common with the city they govern? Age, sex, ethnicity, and origin are givens: we cannot change when we were born, or where, or whose children we are, or the culture in which we were raised. If people with whom we share any of these traits seem to be left out of the political process, we may perceive the slight as exclusion, though ostensibly the product of a free and open process. Electoral quotas have accordingly addressed the under-representation of women in the democratic institutions of dozens of countries (for which, see http://www.quotaproject.org/index.cfm). Whether or not one agrees with obligatory quotas as a measure, the principle that representative democracy loses its legitimacy as citizens lose their faith, or belief, in the process is not abstract: it is socially palpable, camped out in city squares all over Spain. Rather than addressing those outraged by politics in 2011, I want to consider who might feel excluded, and outraged, in 2021, or 2031.
As of January 2011 278,320 city residents did not hold Spanish nationality. They account for just over 17% of the population. Not all newcomers are non-nationals, as longer-term foreign residents--the present writer among them--become citizens of Spain and those drop off that particular statistical map. About 22% of the city's population was not born in Spain, of whom a few were born to a Spanish parent or Spanish parents residing abroad. Let's say, then, that 20% of the city's population is made up of newcomers, and a growing but as of yet unknown percentage of the children of those newcomers, some of whom will have acquired Spanish citizenship at birth (if one of their parents had become a citizen beforehand), and some of whom are born foreign. As of 2009, about 20% of those born in the city were not citizens; another 14% was the child of one Spanish and one non-Spanish parent.
Rounding up to include immigrants who are now citizens, the city's first and second generation immigrant population is likely around a quarter of the total. Another 7% was born elsewhere in Catalonia and 20% in the rest of Spain. Among the 51% born in the city, there must now be a considerable number born to immigrant parents. Yet 85% of city councillors are native to the city, and 97.5% native-born Catalans. Newcomers are not represented; and as they are not, one fifth of the city is not. (There are a handful of newcomers among the city's 170+ unelected district councillors, as a handful appeared on the lists of one of the main party's in this month's election--far enough down the list to make their candidacy political fiction.)
The phenomenon is recent. The boom in immigrant numbers came between 2001 and 2006. Two political responses to this tectonic shift in Catalan demographics are available to influence public opinion. One consists quite literally of cooking shows on Catalan television: Karakia on TV3, Els nous catalans on TVE's Catalan service. (The Spanish-language service broadcasts Babel, similar in content and format.) The gesture may be welcoming and the stance dialogic, but one fact narrates another, the old population gracefully talks about the new. At the other extreme, Josep Anglada and his fellow travellers are openly racist, xenophobic, and popular enough to garner 67,000 votes. Do cooking shows counter Anglada? Well-intentioned multi-culturalism can never substitute for the beginnings of demographic parity in democratic institutions. If Mr Anglada is to be matched point for point, the best person to do so is one of the very newcomers he loathes.
How well do these forty-one elected officials reflect the city as a human community? Are our representatives representative? How much do they have in common with the city they govern? Age, sex, ethnicity, and origin are givens: we cannot change when we were born, or where, or whose children we are, or the culture in which we were raised. If people with whom we share any of these traits seem to be left out of the political process, we may perceive the slight as exclusion, though ostensibly the product of a free and open process. Electoral quotas have accordingly addressed the under-representation of women in the democratic institutions of dozens of countries (for which, see http://www.quotaproject.org/index.cfm). Whether or not one agrees with obligatory quotas as a measure, the principle that representative democracy loses its legitimacy as citizens lose their faith, or belief, in the process is not abstract: it is socially palpable, camped out in city squares all over Spain. Rather than addressing those outraged by politics in 2011, I want to consider who might feel excluded, and outraged, in 2021, or 2031.
As of January 2011 278,320 city residents did not hold Spanish nationality. They account for just over 17% of the population. Not all newcomers are non-nationals, as longer-term foreign residents--the present writer among them--become citizens of Spain and those drop off that particular statistical map. About 22% of the city's population was not born in Spain, of whom a few were born to a Spanish parent or Spanish parents residing abroad. Let's say, then, that 20% of the city's population is made up of newcomers, and a growing but as of yet unknown percentage of the children of those newcomers, some of whom will have acquired Spanish citizenship at birth (if one of their parents had become a citizen beforehand), and some of whom are born foreign. As of 2009, about 20% of those born in the city were not citizens; another 14% was the child of one Spanish and one non-Spanish parent.
Rounding up to include immigrants who are now citizens, the city's first and second generation immigrant population is likely around a quarter of the total. Another 7% was born elsewhere in Catalonia and 20% in the rest of Spain. Among the 51% born in the city, there must now be a considerable number born to immigrant parents. Yet 85% of city councillors are native to the city, and 97.5% native-born Catalans. Newcomers are not represented; and as they are not, one fifth of the city is not. (There are a handful of newcomers among the city's 170+ unelected district councillors, as a handful appeared on the lists of one of the main party's in this month's election--far enough down the list to make their candidacy political fiction.)
The phenomenon is recent. The boom in immigrant numbers came between 2001 and 2006. Two political responses to this tectonic shift in Catalan demographics are available to influence public opinion. One consists quite literally of cooking shows on Catalan television: Karakia on TV3, Els nous catalans on TVE's Catalan service. (The Spanish-language service broadcasts Babel, similar in content and format.) The gesture may be welcoming and the stance dialogic, but one fact narrates another, the old population gracefully talks about the new. At the other extreme, Josep Anglada and his fellow travellers are openly racist, xenophobic, and popular enough to garner 67,000 votes. Do cooking shows counter Anglada? Well-intentioned multi-culturalism can never substitute for the beginnings of demographic parity in democratic institutions. If Mr Anglada is to be matched point for point, the best person to do so is one of the very newcomers he loathes.
21 May 2011
A Comparative Study of the Expense of Spin
An apolitical reflection, as today is apolitical by statute. The following OECD municipalities are rough equivalents of Barcelona (1.62 million) in terms of population:
Hamburg: 1.8 million
Philadelphia: 1.55 million
Montreal: 1.62 million
Vienna: 1.7 million
Budapest: 1.7 million
Four of the five examples are in distinctly richer countries. Logically, Barcelona's spending on communication--much of it spin, advertising, posters, freesheets: propaganda--should be equivalent to or lower than its analogues.
How much does Barcelona spend on communication? The relevant items from the 2011 budget read as follows,
Hamburg: 1.8 million
Philadelphia: 1.55 million
Montreal: 1.62 million
Vienna: 1.7 million
Budapest: 1.7 million
Four of the five examples are in distinctly richer countries. Logically, Barcelona's spending on communication--much of it spin, advertising, posters, freesheets: propaganda--should be equivalent to or lower than its analogues.
How much does Barcelona spend on communication? The relevant items from the 2011 budget read as follows,
To items 92502 and 92503 one must add a further expenditure classified as an unclassifiable expense, i.e.
The sum total of 92502, 92503 and 22602 is 31,729,211 euros, equivalent to the starting salary of 1322 nursery school teachers working for the City.
How does this compare with the OECD city whose population comes closest to matching Barcelona's? Here are the figures for Montreal:
In euros, that's 3,128,812--less than 10% of the figure for Barcelona. Last time I was there, the snow ploughs made their rounds, the sidewalks were clear, the buses running, the bagels delicious (in both languages). Montreal is a mature democratic polity. What is Barcelona?
21 March 2011
Conflict of Interest
In an earlier post I noted that a former Vanguardia columnist, Eugeni Madueño, was behind a newly launched publishing venture, Edicions Clariana. Clariana and by extension Madueño have produced more than one hundred pages of City of Barcelona colour inserts in La Vanguardia since early January. Yesterday's paper brought two such inserts: one published by Clariana, and one--the one-hundred page glossy Vivir en Vanguardia--by La Vanguardia itself. The latter looks like a magazine, yet there's nothing on the spine, and an ISBN rather than an ISSN; of only four pages of add copy, two were placed by the city hall. One of these two pages, the back cover, is simply the City of Barcelona logo magnified to 75% of the width of the page. That is, it nearly looks like an official publication. The editor? Eugeni Madueño. Madueño is both publishing for city hall and working for a paper with a mandate to cover city hall. Mr. Madueño would seem to be subject to a conflict of interest: he can't be expected to report objectively on a level of government which is paying him. Then again, it may be naive of me to expect a clean separation of the fourth estate from government.
13 March 2011
Colours
Once upon a time, Barcelona Council advertised its presence thus:
That is, white lettering on turquoise stood for the municipal corportation. By 2006, at least one campaign had abandoned turquoise for red:
Since late 2010, many public building administered by Barcelona council have be rebranded to make the link more conspicuous:
One notices that white lettering on a red background carries the most important message content, and that every plaque carries with it an implicit good vibe (the letter 'B' and the Catalan for 'well' or 'good' are homophones). To what might we owe this new colour scheme? Just a suggestion:
That is, white lettering on turquoise stood for the municipal corportation. By 2006, at least one campaign had abandoned turquoise for red:
One notices that white lettering on a red background carries the most important message content, and that every plaque carries with it an implicit good vibe (the letter 'B' and the Catalan for 'well' or 'good' are homophones). To what might we owe this new colour scheme? Just a suggestion:
What's Wrong with Catalan Schools? (III)
In the 2009 OECD Pisa Report, my home school system of Ontario scored 531 points for reading skills, with a fairly narrow spread between the lowest and the highest scores. Spain and Catalonia rated lower, as they did in mathematics, despite steady improvement across the 2003, 2006, and 2009 reports. (Scores for reading stood at 481 and 498, respectively.) Ontario schoolchildren spend sixteen more days at school per year than do their Catalan counterparts, which may go some way to explaining the difference in scores. My first question, then, is why there is no public debate in Catalan media about the number of contact hours as an aspect of education policy.
More worrying than overall scores is the shape of bell curve for Spanish reading scores. Consider this:
Click for a larger image.
Source: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/81-590-x/2010001/tbl/tblb1.13-eng.htm
Reading scores are here broken down into six ranges. How many students score in the highest of these six ranges? In Ontario, it's 1.9%; in Spain, it's 0.2%. How many score in the two two ranges, Levels 5 and 6 together. In Ontario, it's 14.2%; in Spain, 3.4&. How many score in the top three ranges, Levels 4-6? In Ontario, it's 41.9%, in Spain, 21.2%. Spain catches up with the rest of the developed world with very healthy percentages in Levels 2 and 3--both of are tantamount to a passing mark--but does very poorly if one concentrates on students who are scoring particularly high. Numerically, Spain does a poor job at producing brilliant students. Thus my second question: Why?
More worrying than overall scores is the shape of bell curve for Spanish reading scores. Consider this:
Click for a larger image.
Source: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/81-590-x/2010001/tbl/tblb1.13-eng.htm
Reading scores are here broken down into six ranges. How many students score in the highest of these six ranges? In Ontario, it's 1.9%; in Spain, it's 0.2%. How many score in the two two ranges, Levels 5 and 6 together. In Ontario, it's 14.2%; in Spain, 3.4&. How many score in the top three ranges, Levels 4-6? In Ontario, it's 41.9%, in Spain, 21.2%. Spain catches up with the rest of the developed world with very healthy percentages in Levels 2 and 3--both of are tantamount to a passing mark--but does very poorly if one concentrates on students who are scoring particularly high. Numerically, Spain does a poor job at producing brilliant students. Thus my second question: Why?
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